In any case, the details of the lawsuit filed this spring relate to events before and immediately after Mr. Boehner emerged as an advocate for post-retirement marijuana legalization, the most unlikely origin of the conversion. shed light on In recent political history, the development that helped transform the former president’s image from brooding legislative filibuster to vulgar Uncle John.
Pericola’s list of complaints began in January 2018 when Donald Trump’s Attorney General Jeff Sessions overturned the Obama administration’s policy of not interfering with states relaxing marijuana laws. The move angered an industry that grew as states across the country lifted their bans. According to his Pericola, now 46, he came up with the idea for something called Campaign 10. It is named after the 10th Amendment to the Constitution, which states that states have powers that the Constitution does not give the federal government.
According to accounts provided in Pericola’s lawsuit, The 10 Campaign devised a “patented new blueprint for marijuana reform” and eventually met an old friend who was Boehner’s chief of staff. Although an anti-drug campaigner when elected, Pericola thought his outspokenness as a half-cigar-smoking American would make him a good spokesman for the cause. According to Pericola, the friend agreed to share some information about Campaign 10 with the previous speaker.
Further meetings with Squire Patton-Boggs reportedly followed and Boehner landed after leaving Congress. You say you signed a non-disclosure agreement before. He also says he advised private equity firms ahead of their meetings on funding legalization initiatives.
A few weeks later, Boehner said his views on marijuana had evolved and were attracting national media attention, and announced that he would be joining the advisory board of cannabis company Acreage Holdings, according to Pericola. His point about accounts was copied from The 10 Campaign’s proposal. According to his complaint, he continued brainstorming ideas and making plans with Boehner’s company, only to be abruptly told months later that Boehner would ultimately not be participating in Campaign 10. The following year, he became honorary president of another organization, the National Cannabis Roundtable. .
“Why should we pay you when we can do it ourselves,” he said in a Pericola complaint. He plagiarized plans to unfairly enrich himself and establish himself as a preeminent thought leader in the cannabis field,” the lawsuit concludes.
Representatives for Boehner and Squire declined to comment on the pending lawsuit, but his attorneys provided a lengthy response last month.
For one thing, they say, “Plaintiffs’ alleged ideas for marijuana reform are not ‘trade secrets.'” The argument Pericola suggested to use – polls show most Americans support changing the law. Billions of dollars injected into the economy by legal cannabis. Marijuana has therapeutic effects. It’s not exactly a revolutionary idea that the Constitution gives states the power to make their own laws.
To underscore this point, its archives include a library of media footnotes, from The National Review and The Washington Times to Vox and The HuffPost, some of which Pericola says they wish to treat as property. is emphasized.
Additionally, Pericola has not identified any actual misrepresentations by the company or former speakers, they say. Boehner never agreed to head the Pericola organization. They never agreed on money or anything. As his answer suggests, what was really going on was that he wanted to solicit business and get a big name, and after considering the idea for a while it didn’t work. The allegations of misconduct “are based on the notion that Esquire Patton Boggs and Chairman Boehner somehow interfered with plaintiffs’ professional expectations,” they said. With Squire Patton Boggs and President Boehner», laughable.
Boehner and Squire want the case closed. A DC judge will rule on the request next month.
On the other hand, the Pericola side wants the courts to escape the disdainful rejection of VIPs. “I hope they have to explain their actions under oath.”
Ironically, lawsuits based on the notion that young children are being cheated out of large paychecks, as my colleagues Hayley Fuchs and Natalie Fertig reported earlier this year, cannabis is actually quite expensive. It happened when I shrunk. A lobbying frontline that has been plagued by internal divisions following the rising fervor at the start of the Biden administration and the current Congress.
While some parts of the country seem to be overrun with cannabis stores, the cannabis industry hasn’t yet taken a big hit in Washington state. Because I don’t know if anyone is making a lot of money selling it. That is largely the only function Washington can control: the federal ban. Classified as an illegal drug, people in business do not have access to parts of the banking system, basic tax benefits (such as the ability to always write off expenses), and restrictions that reduce profits. I have. Many big companies are content to not make a lot of money now, based on the logic that once legalization is complete and taps are opened, stepping into the game will establish themselves as big business. I’m here.
Braley attributes the injustice in this particular case to the open environment in which Pericola spoke with Squire Patton Boggs. “A lot of the pieces were moving fast. Braley, who met Pericola in the Iowa Legislature from 2007 to 2015, was a real growth opportunity for someone like Jamie, who had a bipartisan relationship.” “It was a unique moment in history, and that’s why it was a tragedy for Jamie.”
Weed’s bizarre legal and political status also appears to have a lot to do with the lawsuit against Boehner. It’s hard to imagine him being involved in Washington’s influential business in a fully legal and mature industry. Cannabis’ novelty and lingering unrest are far more likely to face off head-to-head with ambitious unknowns like Pericola and political giants like Boehner as collaborators or rivals than industries such as the automotive industry. It means that it is a field.
Likewise, more family-run businesses are much less likely to have fundamental disagreements about what constitutes a trade secret. If Pericola tried unsuccessfully to enroll Boehner in the sweater industry advocacy group, he would be very offended if the former speaker later went on TV to talk about how clothing keeps you cool on cold autumn days. would have harmed
But maybe all the talk of strategic innovation is just a crackdown. The most intelligent people tasked with advocating for cannabis legalization (John Boehner, a veteran Washington lobbyist and his 11th-grader writing essays in a civics class) probably end up in about the same place. prize. After all, sophisticated strategic thinking may be trivial compared to the big question of who you know. In this case, the former Speaker of the House and the legendary Beltway always win.
Not all of them want to argue that point in court.